Ethics and Philosophy of Social Research Essay Example for Free

Ethics and Philosophy of Social Research Essay The social research shares with all scientific endeavours the necessity to balance scientific zeal with other ethical values that derive from the social context in which all social research takes place. To some degree, the research ideal of objectivity unavoidably conflicts with humanistic values. Therefore, all researchers must at some time come to grips with this conflict. The issue, however, is especially crucial for social researchers because the focus of their research is the behaviour of other people. Thus, not only the goals of the social research but the very process of data collection is subject to ethical conflicts. The paper contains analysis—the synthesis of research results across a large number of studies—and on the social responsibility and ethical requirements of the social research. The ethical issues which researchers face in their day-to-day study are comparatively consistent across methods. The ethical principles adopted by researchers should govern their actions, whether they take place in field or laboratory environment. To make this point most strongly, this paper contains a separate section, which should serve as a strong point of reference for the social researcher, rather than providing a series of ethical requirements that are spread thinly throughout the various sections of this paper. These issues include the social and ethical responsibilities and constraints connected with the conduct of social research and advancing the cumulative progress of behavioral and social science through integrating and synthesizing findings from different current investigations. The paper hopes to make clear that social research is a collective enterprise undertaken in the context of ethical values. Main body Ethics in Social Research Ethics of Research Design and Methodology Because the subject matter of the social researcher is human behaviour and the processes that are associated with behaviour, it is unavoidable that researcher interests will conflict sometimes with ethical values placed on the rights of people to privacy and self-determination. The guidelines for social research ethics set by the Social Research Association (SRA) (2003) stress the idea of recruiting participants for research on the basis of informed consent —this means that participation must be freewill and with the participants full knowledge of what research will include. However, it is declared that many subjects could not be researched at all if this ideal were entirely met, and that the rights of individuals must be weighed against the possible importance of the research problem. David De Vaus (1996), for example, demonstrated in a verbal conditioning experiment that a full explanation of methods and hypotheses destroyed the phenomenon they were attempting to examine. In cases where full explanation of subject cannot be presented, SRA recommends that â€Å"But there should, at least, be clarity about opt-in and opt-out arrangements, about the length and degree of commitment required of respondents, and about the precise goals of the research. Adequate subject de-briefing also seems essential to this last aim.† Thus, the ethical code does not present free from limitations standards that relieve the researcher of important value judgments. Rather, judgments as to the comparative significance of research programmes and researchers responsibility for the well-being of their participants are the primary bases of research ethics. Deception in the Laboratory The degree to which participation is entirely voluntary is in many cases disputable, depending on the social and institutional pressures to take part in research that are at times involved. But usually, participants in laboratory experiments at least know that they participate in a research study. Notwithstanding, however, the information provided to participants in laboratory investigations is usually smallest, at best, and often purposely deceptive as to the goals of the research study. To what degree this deception is justified by serving scientific purposes and the potential benefit to human welfare is a matter of considerable debate. Some critics claim that no deception is ever reasonable and that it should not be permitted in the interests of social research (Ortmann Hertwig 746-747). Most social researchers, however, take a more temperate view, considering that there is an unavoidable compromise between values of entire honesty and informed consent and the possible value of what can be learned from the research itself. Just as the unimportant lie uttered in the interests of tact or politeness is regarded as acceptable when used in the service of good manners, so a little amount of deception may be acceptable in the service of obtaining reliable research data. However, there is also some controversy over whether social researchers have exceeded this adequate minimum in their research (Barnes 320). For some years the practice of deception in laboratory experiments was considered acceptable by most experimenters. However, an article by Herbert Kelman (1967) reflected a growing concern with accepted among many people, and evidently undisputed, use of deception in social research. Kelmans article argued this practice on both ethical and practical grounds. Ethically, he claimed, any deception disregarded essential norms of respect in the interpersonal relationship that forms between researcher and research participant. Besides, the practice might have extreme methodological implications as participants become less naive and extreme suspiciousness begins to have an effect upon the outcomes of all research. To avoid these problems, Kelman advised that social researchers (a) reduce the unnecessary use of deception, (b) explore ways of counteracting or minimizing its negative consequences when deemed necessary, and (c) develop new methods, such as role playing or simulation techniques, which substitute active participation for deception (Kelman 10-11). Practices of experimenting with these alternative methodologies have been tried, but the results are consisting of conflicting thoughts, at best (Crespi 23). Thus, the general agreement in the social research is that some level of deception is often necessary to produce realistic conditions for testing research hypotheses. However, such deception needs to be justified by the nature and significance of the research question being studied. As James D. Faubion (2005) put it, â€Å"The social researcher whose study may have a good chance of reducing violence or racism or sexism, but who declines to do the study simply because it requires deception, has not solved an ethical problem but only traded one for another† (860). Ethical Issues in Field Research Although much of the discussion about the ethical implications of deception concentrates on laboratory experimentation, study conducted outside the laboratory often considers a number of other ethical issues and concerns. Besides issues associated with consent to participate, researchers also must think over issues of privacy and confidentiality when research data are collected in field surroundings (Boruch 102). Because a main benefit of field research, from a scientific point of view, is the chance of obtaining samples of behaviour under naturally occurring circumstances, it often is beneficial to conduct such research under conditions in which the nature of the research is concealed. Therefore, the participants may not only be mislead regarding the goals of the research, but may even be uninformed that they are the subject of research in the first place. The use of â€Å"frugal† measures highlights this strategy (Ortlieb 2002), but even more traditional methods of data collection, such as the interview or questionnaire, are often conducted in such a manner as to conceal their true goal. Some researchers consider the practice of concealed observation or response elicitation as passable as long as it is limited to in fundamental way â€Å"public† behaviors or settings usually open to public examination. Adam Ashforth (1996), for example, presented a review of settings and behaviours for which concealed research methods have been used. However, there is the question of subjective definitions of what form â€Å"public† behaviours, specifically in urban settings where social norms lead to the probability of anonymity in public surroundings. Because by definition field research includes some act of intervening on the part of the researcher in the stimulus conditions to which the uninformed participants are exposed, ethical question about hidden observation is further difficult to understand because of concern over the nature of such manipulations. Instances of practice of experimenting in field settings comprise systematic variation of the content of applicant briefs sent to potential employers (Ashforth 1996), differential behaviour on the part of salesmen regarding customers (Fairclough 2003) or customers toward salesmen (Fairclough 2003). To some degree these all fall within a â€Å"normal range† of human behaviour in public surroundings, the only difference being their methodical manipulation by the researcher. Yet, collecting data about individual behaviour in these cases evidently violates the spirit of â€Å"informed consent, † in particular when researchers conclude it is best not to inform individuals which have been observed even after the fact (Seiber 268). The Regulatory Context of Research Involving Human Participants The preceding discussion of ethical dilemmas is contemplated to present the idea that there are no easy, certain rules for deciding whether a specific research strategy or method is ethical or not. Rather, difficult enough to construct opinion is involved in weighing the possible value of the research against potential stress or other costs to research participants. Ethical decision making includes a cost—benefit analysis rather than the consideration of certain strictures and rules (Alvaro Crano 13). Much of the responsibility for decision making falls on the individual researcher, but one person alone is not always the best judge of what is of considerable importance and necessary research and what is possibly harmful to participants. Actually, there is good evidence that biases enter into scientists evaluations of the quality of their own research (Kimmel 1991). Therefore, the conduct of social research that meets reasonable ethical standards and methods is not just a matter of persons judgment, it is the law. Almost all social research that is supported by funds or conducted in educational or research institutions that receive funding (of any kind) is subject to regulations concerning the conduct of social research. The primary agency is The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) which is the UKs leading research funding and training agency addressing economic and social concerns. ESRC provides certain principles for protecting the welfare and dignity of human participants in research and provides policies and procedures that are required of institutions in which such research is conducted. The ESRC expects that the research it supports will be conducted according to a high ethical standard. This Research Ethics Framework (REF) sets out good ethical practice in UK social research.Although REF is a mandatory aspect of social research which involves human participants, it does not absolve the researcher from any further responsibility for the ethical conduct of his or her research.

Orphaned And Vulnerable Children In Africa Education Essay

Orphaned And Vulnerable Children In Africa Education Essay Introduction During the course Education Development in Diverse Societies we learned about the main educational theories and other (inter)disciplinary approaches to study educational issues in developing countries. We analysed educational reforms and innovations from an interdisciplinary and multilevel perspective, and examined their theoretical basis, the practical implications, the strengths and weaknesses, and how they respond to the learning needs of children with a diverse background.  [1]  In this paper I will apply the knowledge and understanding that I gained by writing about the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education for children at risk.  [2]   The AIDS epidemic has become a global crisis currently threatening the lives of millions of people and devastating entire societies. Education systems have an essential role to play in fighting this epidemic, because of their capacity to reach very large numbers of young people with life-saving information and skills. A completed primary education can reduce the risk of HIV infection for young people; and in fact, basic education has such a powerful preventative effect, that it has been described as the social vaccine (Boler Carroll 2003). As the epidemic gathers pace, however, it poses increasing risks to education itself, threatening to stop children from enrolling, teachers from teaching and schools from functioning. This threatens the Right to Education, and the objective of Education for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) to achieve primary universal education. Particularly, orphans and vulnerable children (OVCs), face a lot of challenges in the provision of q uality education.  [3]   In this paper, I therefore focus on the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education for orphans and vulnerable children in Sub Saharan Africa in order to improve and increase their access to quality education, skills development and other social services. Since I am going to conduct research in Zambia on a related topic, I focus particularly on the impact of HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education in Zambia. The research questions of this paper therefore state: What is the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education for orphaned and vulnerable children (OVCs) in Zambia? What can be done to increase their access, progression and educational outcomes? Part one of this paper deals with the more general literature about HIV/AIDS in Sub Saharan Africa. This includes the impact of HIV/AIDS, leading to many different educational consequences. In part two I focus on Zambia as a case study, whereby I explain the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Zambia, the impact it has on OVCs and the educational system. Part three discusses the possibilities of redressing the harmful consequences within the educational system, whereby I focus on community schools. In conclusion, I answer the research question and I will give recommendations for further research. The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Sub Saharan Africa Two-thirds of all people infected with HIV/AIDS live in Sub Saharan Africa, although this region includes little more than 10% of the worlds population (UNAIDS 2008; Foster Williamson 2000: 275; Barnett Whiteside 2006: 210-19). HIV/AIDS has caused immense human suffering in the continent. The most obvious effect of this crisis has been illness and death, but the impact of the epidemic has certainly not been confined to the health sector. Households, schools, workplaces and economies have also been badly affected. Since the beginning of the epidemic more than 15 million Africans have died from AIDS (UNAIDS 2008). In the previous year 2008, an estimated 1.4 million adults and children died as a result of AIDS in Sub Saharan Africa (UNAIDS 2008). Besides, a growing number of children in Sub Saharan Africa have been orphaned by AIDS (Robson Sylvester 2007: 260). However, detailed information on the numbers of children directly affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic is very limited in most countries in Sub Saharan Africa (Bennell 2005: 468). A major part of the problem is that it is often difficult to establish whether a child, parent or carer is ill or has died as a result of an AIDS-related disease. Another complicating factor is that there is no standard definition of an orphan. Definitions of orphans vary across different cultures and studies. In general, an orphan due to AIDS is defined as a child who has lost at least one parent dead from AIDS or AIDS related diseases. However, UNICEF and UNAIDS have a more specific definition. They define an orphan as a child under 15 years of age: a single orphan has lost one parent, while a double orphan has lost both parents (Foster Williamson 2000; Brennell 2005; Barnett Whiteside 2006: 213). For the purpose of this paper, and in line with working definitions in Zambia, an orphan is defined as a child below the age of 18 who has lost one or both parents (Robson Sylvester 2007: 262). The toll of HIV/AIDS on households can be very severe. Although the whole population is affected by HIV/AIDS, it are often the poorest areas of society that are most exposed to the epidemic and for whom the consequences are most severe. In many cases, the presence of AIDS causes the household to break up, as parents die and children are sent to relatives for care and upbringing. Although the HIV/AIDS epidemic has affected many aspects of social and economic development, this paper focuses on the affect on educational development. The relationship between AIDS and the education sector is circular as the epidemic worsens, the education sector is damaged, which in turn is likely to increase the incidence of HIV transmission. There are numerous ways in which AIDS can affect education, but equally there are many ways in which education can help the fight against AIDS and generates hope (Kelly 1999: 6-7).  [4]  The extent to which schools and other educational institutions are able to continue functioning will influence how well societies eventually recover from the epidemic. Or as the director of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, explained it: Without education, AIDS will continue its rampant spread. With AIDS out of control, education will be out of reach (World Bank et al. 2002). OVCs are less likely to have proper schooling. The death of a prime-age adult in a household will reduce a childs attendance at school (World Bank 1997: 225 in Barnett Whiteside 2006: 220).  [5]  The household may be less able to pay for schooling. An orphaned child may have to take on household or income-earning work. Sick adults may have reduced expectations of the returns of investing in childrens education as they do not expect to live long enough to recoup the investment. When a child goes to another household after his or his parents death, the obstacles become greater as the child is not their own (Barnett Whiteside 2006: 220). Finally, a reason why it is important to focus on children is that the impact of HIV/AIDS will linger for decades after the epidemic begins to wane (Foster Williamson 2000: 275). However, for a diversity of reasons, little attention has been paid to the situation and experience of individual children affected by HIV/AIDS. Nevertheless, greater understanding of the impact of HIV/AIDS on childrens education is essential in the design and evaluation of programmes to support children living under difficult conditions. HIV/AIDS epidemic in Zambia Zambia, in southern Africa, has been severely affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic and can be seen as the mirror of Sub Saharan Africa. Statistics emphasize that one in five adults is infected with HIV (Kayanta 2004 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 259-60). Additionally, more than 70% of the population lives in poverty (CSO 2003 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 260). However, the country is active to implement the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC), to achieve the EFA and the MDGs, by eradicating extreme hunger and poverty, to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, to promote gender equality and empower women and to achieve universal primary education.  [6]  Besides, the country adopted a number of poverty reduction objectives (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 19). Almost 50% of Zambias population is under 15 years old, 71% of children live in poverty, and one in four children are orphaned. In other words, the HIV epidemic has devastated the country and it is estimated that by 2010 there will be 1,328,000 AIDS orphans (UNAIDS 2008). These children are vulnerable to neglect, sexual abuse and early marriages, forced child labour and can have serious health and nutrition problems. As a result OVCs are less likely to have access to school and to complete quality basic education. Social protection measures put in place by the government are hampered by inadequate resources, and OVCs lack of awareness of their rights. The impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on the Zambian education system The AIDS epidemic affects the supply of and demands for education in a variety of ways, especially in a high HIV prevalence country like Zambia (Bennell 2005: 467). HIV/AIDS has multiple effects on education through ten different mechanisms: reduction in demand, reduction in supply, reduction in availability of resources, adjustments in response to the special needs of an increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children, adaptation to new interactions both within schools and between schools and communities, curriculum modification, altered roles that have to be adopted by teachers and the education system, the ways in which schools and the education system are organised, the planning and management of the system, and donor support for education (Kelly 1999: 1). More and more research is carried out on the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Zambia. However, little research has been undertaken in basic schools themselves, to examine the experiences of poverty and AIDS-affected children. Therefore, Robson and Sylvester emphasize that  ´it is timely to explore the perceptions of education personnel and students regarding the adequacy of responses within the educational sector and to identify the unmet needs ´ (Robson Sylvester 2007: 262). Impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on education for pupils There are three groups of schoolchildren whose lives are most directly affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic and whose education is, therefore, potentially at maximum risk: children who are HIV positive, children living in households with sick family members, and children whose parents or caretakers have died of HIV/AIDS. The scope to which the education of these children is negatively affected depends deeply on the level of physical and emotional support they get from the extended family, the school, the community and the local government (Bennell 2005: 468). However, like I explained in the introduction, it is difficult to indicate the number of directly affected children by the epidemic. Besides, schools rarely keep accurate and up-to-date records on the number of affected children and their parents. Nonetheless, we do know that the number of children that is HIV positive because the mother passed the virus on to her child is relatively small, since over 90 per cent of these children die before they are old enough to attend school. It is therefore estimated that a small number of schoolchildren is infected or has AIDS related sicknesses (Brennell 2005: 469). This is also the reason why mortality rates at primary schools are low. It is commonly believed that the education of children who are most directly affected by the epidemic is adversely affected in a number of ways. The main argument is that given very difficult home situations, both orphans and children in AIDS-affected households are often forced to drop out of school altogether with little likelihood of ever returning to school (Brennell 2005: 473). The growth in the number of orphans [and other directly affected children] is taxing the coping strategies of families and society at large. In many cases, the extended family find it extremely difficult to cope economically and psychologically with the numbers it is required to absorb. Few orphans [and other children in AIDS-affected households] are able to pay their school or training fees. Many others have to care for others in the homes where they live. Many have to work to support themselves or younger siblings dependent on them (Kelly 2000: 57 in Brennell 2005: 473). Pupils whose parents die or are ill often drop out of school due to different factors such as, economic stresses on households, changes in the family structure, responsibilities to look after the sick, the elderly or siblings and loss of parental supervision (Foster Williamson 2000: 278,81). The way school attendance, performance and school completion are effected generally depends on levels of risks and vulnerability due to social, economic and cultural circumstances (Robson Sylvester 2007: 265). It is important to mention that the financial burden on families, for example when parents die, prevents many children from attending school despite the provision of free basic education because of the extra school costs, like textbooks, contribution to school funds and examination costs (Brennell 2005: 475; Barnett Whiteside 2006: 220). Other reasons for children to drop out of school or to perform badly are that poor children are frequently ill because of poor living conditions, which seriously affects their education. Besides, AIDS-related stigmas and discrimination increase the chance that children are not going to school (Foster Williamson 2000: 281-82; Bennell 2005: 473). Children, especially whose parents are known or suspected to have died of HIV/AIDS face the risk of being stigmatised or discriminated. This can also result in bullying of these children. Stigma and discrimination in schools violates the principles of inclusive education and education for all (Robson Sylvester 2007: 266). Research in Zambia showed that the number of children attending primary school is decreasing. The decline in school participation rates was thought to result from poverty, inability to pay the rising costs of schooling, and increasing parental disillusion with the low quality of education. This is linked to HIV/AIDS and its affects on poverty, levels of employment, and the quality of school provision (Kelly 2000: 12 in Barnett Whiteside 2006: 220). Noteworthy is that proportionately more orphans than non-orphans were not attending school according to this research. Although it is important to focus on enrolment rates and participation, it is also important to pay attention to the quality of learning as well. Children, for example, might be hungry, or are unable to concentrate due to tensions or anxiety at home. Vulnerable children tend to be more malnourished or to have received insufficient health care. This negatively affects school enrolment, attendance and performance (Robson Sylvester 2007: 266; Barnett Whiteside 2006: 221). Orphans and other vulnerable children often have to do a lot of household tasks before and after school. This indicates that obstacles to school achievement are strongly connected with poverty and its related tensions. Besides, the curriculum of the school often not adapts to the vocational, emotional and life skills needs of HIV/AIDS affected-pupils. Whats more, HIV/AIDS has resulted in increasing teacher absenteeism and a significant decline in the number of teachers. This affects the quality of teaching, learning and assessment and diverted resources away from schools. The remaining teachers face problems because the burden on their shoulders increases since they have to manage progressively larger class sizes with poor resources (Kelly 1999: 3; Carr-Hill 2002 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 261, 265; Barnett Whiteside 2006: 220). Sometimes pupils are also sent home because of a lack of teachers. All together, this affects the quality of teaching and learning for the pupils. Overall, we can say that poor pupils attending and performance is the result of a myriad of factors including irregular attendance and generally poor quality of schooling (Brennell 2005: 475). Studies also show that HIV/AIDS should not be excessively blamed for problems achieving Universal Primary Education. Problems with school enrolment, attendance and completion are also related to poverty or problems inherent to the school system, such as the quality of education (Barnett Whiteside 2006: 222). Redressing the harmful consequences within the educational system In Zambia most of the initiatives within the education sector in relation to tackling HIV/AIDS and poverty are situated within educational reform programmes, such as the Basic Education Sub-Sector Investment Programme (BESSIP). The aim of this programme is to increase and improve the access, quality of basic education by the year 2015 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 19). Besides, the Ministry of Education made the goal of equitable access to relevant education a right for all Zambians and it removed the school fees in 2003 (Robson Sylvester 2007: 260). HIV/AIDS prevention strategies tend to focus mainly on preventive community-based initiatives to improve access to health education. However, there are various barriers to learning and participation. This is linked to the fact that many teachers lack the knowledge or the skills to implement effective HIV/AIDS and life skills programmes (Obura Sinclear 2005 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 260). Therefore, the challenge for the Zambian Ministry of Education (MoE) and the international community is not only to provide the right to basic education, but also strengthen schools as inclusive and supportive communities. For the pupils, this might focus on provision of alternative and more opportunities for participation and learning, access to health, life skills, suitable counselling and support in order to cope with the harmful consequences of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. For teachers, it is important to concentrate on professional development opportunities in order to support the management of large scale and curriculum development e.g. in the areas of life skills and vocational skills (Robson Sylvester 2007: 259-60). In Zambia, community schools have a significant position in redressing the harmful consequences of HIV/AIDS within the education system. Community schools try to differentiate the learning needs of OVCs by designing and delivering a relevant and meaningful curriculum that assist these children to develop income-generating skills, personal, health, emotional and social skills, and critical learning skills (Kelly 1999: 4). Most community school use the four-year curriculum: Skills, Participation, Access and Relevant Knowledge (SPRAK). This curriculum offers pupils a fast track to official grade 7 examinations (Chondoka 2004; Robson Sylvester 2007: 267). In the following part of this paper I will first explain the main features of community schools in Zambia. Secondly, I will discuss why community schools and especially the SPARK curriculum could be a solution for the educational development of OVCs affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Community Schools One of the main characteristics of the Zambian education system is the central role played by community schools. Community schools emerged as a response to the unmet demand for school places among the poor and other marginalised groups in Zambia who are not in formal schools (USAID 2006 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 262; Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 52). In many instances, these schools are run by parents and volunteer teachers, though increasingly they receive support from the government, non-governmental organisations, faith based organizations or private initiatives. In other words, there is an enormous variation between community schools, more than between government schools or private schools, in how they are supported and managed (Destefano 2006). Besides, the school buildings and provisions vary greatly. A large number of these schools have wattle-and-daub constructions and temporary provisions (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 52, 56).  [7]  Classrooms and water and sa nitation facilities are often of poor quality. Teaching and learning materials are generally inadequate. Pupils often sit on the floor. Uniforms are often not a school requirement. Finally, the vast majority of teachers are unqualified (Chondoka 2006: 7). Adversely, reasons why these community schools increase in popularity are that community schools are less expensive, close to home, less demanding in entry requirements and are managed by local communities. Most community schools serve children aged between 9-16 years who are either drop-outs or who have never been to school. The concept of a community school was not entirely new to Zambia. The European missionaries had already established similar schools and called them village schools or bush schools (Chondoka 2006). Around 1995, more community schools began to appear in areas without government schools, where parents could not meet the expense of the high school fees that were charged, where the distance to the nearest government school was to far or where the government schools were considered overcrowded. Since 1998, the Zambian government officially recognises community schools. The Zambian government acknowledges the positive effect of community schools in redressing the harmful consequences of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Since 1998, the number of community schools has enlarged exponentially, although the school fees for government schools were banned in 2002 with the introduction of free basic education. However, it is important to mention that in general, community schools are relatively small. In 200 0, they accounted for 17% of the basic schools and 8% of the pupils in basic schools; in 2006 these figures had increased to 34% and 16%, respectively (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 54-55). In 2005 the MoE distributed 30% of their budget to community schools (Robson Sylvester 2007: 262). This made it possible for community schools to receive school grants, textbooks, professional guidance and sometimes a government funded teacher. However, most community schools started without prior information of the MoE and are severely underfunded. While the majority of the community schools receive an inadequate amount of MoE support, many other schools not even receive a school grant. Despite the fact that the MoE supports community schools, its practical interest seems to be somewhat limited. Actual support depends on the specific policy of the particular district boards (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 54, 56). Community schools can be found in both rural an urban areas. A recent study shows that the main reason determining the location of rural community schools is distance to the nearest government school (Chondoka 2006: 7). In urban areas, these schools are set up in locations with large concentrations of children who are unable to get access to a public school due to costs or other factors (Destefano 2006). Pupils in community schools usually belong to the poorest and most vulnerable social strata (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 54). Less than one third of community school families live in stable structures, compared to 46% of public schools families (Destefano 2006). Most community schools are attended by a relatively large number of orphans. In 2005, about one in three pupils in community schools had lost his or her mother. In government schools this ratio is one in five. Most of the orphans lack sufficient parental support. According to a study in Central Province, many orphans not succeed to come to school regularly, while many of them are to hungry to concentrate in class when they do come (Chondoka 2006: 9). Due to their restricted size, many of the community schools make use of multi-grade teaching, especially in rural areas. Instead of using the normal curriculum, they most of the times use the SPARK curriculum, which provides primary education in four years. The SPARK curriculum has been designed to meet the particular needs of community school children, who are usually older (between 9 and 16 years) and who are often directly hit by the HIV/AIDS epidmic. It follows the government curriculum and focuses on the relevant topics within English, Mathematics, Environmental Science, Social Studies, Physical Education and Zambian languages, with a life skills component integrated through all the subject areas. The SPARK curriculum places health education, with a strong focus on AIDS/HIV prevention, at the heart of the primary circle. It prioritizes literacy, numeracy and life skills which are recognized as having to serve a nation in crisis due to the young people who will have to survive an d assume early responsibility of heading a family due to HIV/AIDS (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008: 56). As this part of the paper tried to make clear, community schools are able to reach the most vulnerable and marginalized groups within Zambia, such as orphans. By using the SPRARK curriculum, that assist these children to develop knowledge and skills, it is possible to adapt to the needs of OVCs who face a lot of challenges because of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. However, it also clear that there is an enormous variation between community schools. It is therefore important that the MoE not only recognises the community school, but also that the MoE support is more fairly distributed between the different (types) of community schools. After all, it is important to work together with the different types of school to achieve EFA goals and the MDGs and to guarantee that all children have the right to education. Conclusion One of the most dramatic impacts of HIV/AIDS epidemic is the threat they constitute to the well-being of children and young people. The already high prevalence of poverty, coupled with the possible impacts of the AIDS epidemic can have long-term educational, emotional and social consequences (Khin-Sand Lwin et al 2001; Kanyata 2004; UNICEF-Zambia 2004 in Robson Sylvester 2007: 268). It is estimated that the majority of children having lost one or both parents due to AIDS is living in Sub Saharan Africa. Children affected by HIV, as well as children living with HIV, often suffer from stigma and discrimination. The opportunity of these children to continue their education successfully may be reduced if their impoverished family or caretakers cannot pay the fees or the extra school costs. By giving a case study of the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education for orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) in Zambia, this paper showed that relationship between the epidemic and the education sector is circular. There are various ways in which the epidemic effects the education for OVCs, but there are also several ways in which education can generate hope for these children. Schools, teachers and the Zambian government therefore need to be made more responsive to the needs of OVCs. Providing education to these children is not only a human rights imperative, it is also vital to break the vicious cycle of poverty and to promote security and public health. Basic education should, therefore, be free and target support to meet essential schooling costs (provision of lunches, books and pencils, examination fees). Besides, basic education should be provided for needy children as part of a wide-ranging package of support and it could help prevent absence or dropout (Brennell 2005: 487). To my opinion the Skills, Participation, Access and Relevant Knowledge (SPARK) curriculum, which is used at most community schools, is a step forward to overcome most obstacles to achievement of education. SPARK is a special curriculum that was written for community schools. This four-year curriculum follows the government curriculum with a life skills component integrated through all subject areas and offers pupils a fast track to official grade 7 examinations. However, more drastic curriculum and pedagogical review and teacher professional development are necessary to improve the quality and relevance of the educational experience. This also requires further research of what pupils are learning, and differentiated responses to their particular needs (Robson Sylvester 2007: 269). Literature Barnett, T. and Whiteside, A. 2006 AIDS in the Twenty-First Century. Disease and Globalisation. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Bennell, P. 2005 The impact of the AIDS epidemic on the schooling of orphans and other directly affected children in Sub-Saharan Africa. Journal of Development Studies 41 (3): 467-488. Boler, T. and Carroll, K. 2003 Addressing the educational needs of orphans and vulnerable children. UK Working group on HIV/AIDS and Education. Policy Research: issue 2. Chondoka, Y. A. and Subulwa, C. 2004 Evaluation of the SPARK curriculum in community schools in Zambia 2002-2004, Lusaka: University of Zambia Chondoka, Y. A. 2006 Situation analysis of Community Schools in Central Province of Zambia. Lusaka, University of Zambia. Destefano, J. 2006 Meeting EFA: Zambia Community Schools. Lusaka: USAID. Foster, G. and Williamson, J. 2000 A review of current literature of the impact of HIV/AIDS on children in sub-Saharan Africa AIDS 14 (3):275-284. Kelly, M. J. 1999 What HIV/AIDS Can Do to Education, and What Education Can Do to HIV/AIDS? School of Education, University of Zambia Lusaka. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the Netherlands), 2008 Primary Education Zambia. IOB Impact Evaluation. No. 312 April 2008. Robson, S. and Sylvester, K. B. Orphaned and vulnerable children in Zambia: the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on basic education for children at risk. Educational Research 49 (3): 259-272. Skinner, D. et al. Defining orphaned and vulnerable children. Cape Town: HRSC Publishers. UNAIDS Report on the global AIDS epidemic http://www.unaids.org/en/KnowledgeCentre/HIVData/GlobalReport/2008/ (last viewed on 2 January 2010) World Bank/ UNESCO/ UNAIDS 2002 In turning the tide against HIV/AIDS, education is key. Press release (October 18). http://portal.unesco.org/es/ev.php-URL_ID=7195URL_DO=DO_TOPICURL_SECTION=201.html (last viewed on 2 January 2010)

106 Congress :: essays research papers

The 106th Congress has been one of the most partisan and ineffectual legislatures in recent memory. The two political parties have barely even kept the government running. Only until recently have they passed Appropriation Bills for the 2001 fiscal year in a lame-duck session. This congress has made little progress in resolving their differences on some of the most important issues.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gun control is at the forefront of American politics. Gun violence has soared in recent years, and many tragedies such as the Columbine school shooting have occurred. All Americans want a reduction in gun related violence but gun control is still a decisive issue. On March 3rd, 2000, the then junior Senator from New York, Charles E. Schumer, introduced the Effective National Firearms Objectives for Responsible, Commonsense Enforcement Act of 2000. S.2338 was a bill to enhance the enforcement of gun violence laws. Twelve other Senators including New York Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan cosponsored this bill. This legislation was an attempt at amending the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act. Its purpose was to increase appropriations to Federal prosecutors of Firearm Laws, authorize the appropriations of 600 additional firearm agents and inspectors, give greater authority to the Attorney General to prosecute violations of Federal Firearms Laws, bans violent felons from buying and handling firearms and ammunitions, and increase the penalties and fines of illegal gun sales.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  S. 2338 was read twice and referred to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary. The twelve Senators who sponsored this piece of legislation were mostly Democratic. Republican Sen. Orrin Hatch of Utah, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, worked along party lines. He effectively pigeonholed this bill without considering it for review. Pigeonholing is a practice of ignoring a piece of legislation and letting it die in committee. Many special interest groups were interested in the outcome of this bill. The Coalition To Stop Gun Violence, CSVG, was one lobbying group that was interested in this legislation. Lobbies try to influence politicians to vote according to their point of view. The CSVG wants to increase gun control measures to reduce the violence in America. It believes that violent crimes and firearms have a direct correlation. The legislative arm of the National Rifle Association is a lobby opposing gun control. The NRA represents millions of Americans all over the United States. It prides itself in promoting and defending the 2nd Amendment of the Constitution that states â€Å"the right of the people to keep and bear arms†.

The Dystopian Society Depicted in Brave New World, V for Vendetta, an

It is commonplace for individuals to envision a perfect world; a utopian reality in which the world is a paradise, with equality, happiness and ideal perfection. Unfortunately, we live in a dystopian society and our world today is far from perfection. John Savage, from Brave New World by Aldous Huxley, V, from V for Vendetta by James McTeigue and Offred, from The Handmaid’s Tale by Margret Attwood, are all characters in a dystopian society. A dystopia is the vision of a society in which conditions of life are miserable and are characterized by oppression, corruption of government, and abridgement of human rights. Unfortunately, corruption is government is a phenomenon far too prevalent in today’s world. In the movie V for Vendetta, V is attempting to exact revenge for the many homosexuals who were taken and murdered by the government. As one of the few survivors of this genocide, V devotes his life to pursuing those responsible. It is V’s belief that the government has misappropriated too much power from the citizenry and as a result destroyed the nation’s democratic framework. He says, â€Å"People must not be afraid of their government. Government should be afraid of their people.† The power should be in the people’s hands, not the government. V uses violence to get his revenge and causes a great deal of chaos and rebellion against the government. He says, â€Å"Violence can be used for good.† It is ironic that the only way to fight against this government is through violence, rather than protests. Our government is democratic, but their government, in Britain, is a repressive dictatorship. Finch, a government agent, says, â€Å"If our government was responsible for deaths of almost a hundred thousand people†¦would you really want to know?... ...ourse, stability isn’t nearly so spectacular as instability. And being contented has none of the glamour of a good fight against misfortune, none of the picturesqueness of a struggle with temptation, or a fatal overthrow by passion or doubt. Happiness is never grand.† The struggle between happiness and society shows a society where true happiness has been forfeited to form a perfect order. Society will never be perfect. Equality will never be sustained. A dystopian society will always have corruption of government. Corruption is present all around the world but is swept under the rug. Abridgment of human rights happens every day in our country or another. Oppression is the cause for all the sadness in our world. There will be always selfishness in dystopia. One must sink for another to rise, but â€Å"good doesn’t mean good for everyone. It means worst for someone.†

Platos Allegory of the Cave - Its Importance in Todays World Essay

Plato's Allegory of the Cave - It's Importance in Today's World Our society so values education that sociologists have recognized the problem of "over-education" (Hadjicostandi). Many people are spending years pursuing degrees which they simply do not need for the jobs they perform. It is therefore prudent for students to question whether pursuing a liberal education is really as important as our society believes. What is the point of a college education? Does it have any purpose beyond its material benefits. Are these benefits worth their cost? These are important questions that need answering. In the end, we may see that there is far more to this debate than simple accounting. Perhaps what makes education worth pursuing is that it gives us the freedom to makes these kinds of decisions about what is best for us. In many ways, this debate over education has its roots in the writings of Plato (Jowett). In Book VII of The Republic, Plato discusses such topics as enlightenment, epistemology, forms, and the duties of philosophers. The rhetorical styles which he employ are those of the dialogue and the allegory. The dialogue takes the form of a discussion between Socrates and Glaucon, while the allegory serves as a concrete illustration of the abstract ideas which Plato talks about (Jacobus, 444). Let us examine this "Allegory of the Cave" in more detail. In it, Plato asks the reader to imagine human beings living in an underground den. [where] they have been from childhood, and have their legs and necks chained so that they cannot move, and can only see before them. Above and behind them a fire is blazing at a distance, and [there is] a low wall. [with] men passing along the wall carrying all sorts of vessels, and statues a... ...nough to catch a glimpse of the light shinning at the mouth of the cave. When he has once seen the light, he will immediately embark upon a lifelong journey to reach it. Works Cited Hadjicostandi, Joanna. Module 13: Education and Medicine. Introduction to Sociology. 1 May, 2006. . Jacobus, Lee A. A World of Ideas. 7th Edition Boston: Bedford/St. Martins. 2006. Plato. The Apology of Socrates. The Internet Classics Archive. Retrieved 2 May, 2006. . Plato. The Republic. Trans. Jowett, Benjamin. Cleveland, Ohio: 1946. Plato. 2006. Wikimedia. Retrieved 1 May, 2006. . Plato's Allegory of the Cave. 2006 Reference.com. Retrieved 1 May, 2006. . The Matrix. Dir. The Wachowski Brothers. Perf. Keanu Reeves, Lawrence Fishburne. 20th Century Fox, 1991. Thoreau, Henry D. A World of Ideas. 7th Edition. Ed. Lee A. Jacobus. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins. 2006.

A Famous Person

Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad (written in Jawi: , born on July 10, 1925). He is well known by â€Å"Dr. M† was the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia. Using a first name itself, â€Å"Che Det† as a pen name, he has written the first article published by The Straits Times Singapore on July 20, 1947 entitled â€Å"Malay Women Make Their Own Freedom† (Malay Women Creating Your Own Freedom).When the term of his leadership from 16 July 1981 until 31 October 2003, he managed to bring development through policies and planning success inspired other countries to lift Malaysia to the world stage as one of the more viable in Southeast Asia to have named as one of the countries ‘Asian Economic Tiger'. His most memorable effort Malaysia and the international community as to bring Malaysia out of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis in which he rejected the proposal as well as assistance from the IMF funds which he claimed would worsen the crisis.Radical measures taken grea t dikiritik time by many parties, including the IMF itself. In fact, the effort was also criticized even long after the crisis ended in which he expressed criticism and praise is the norm for politicians and it is up to the assessment of any party. He is a political figure who is vocal on international issues until there is a spark controversy. He supports â€Å"Market Economic System† control as an alternative to â€Å"Private Economic System† and generally rejected the â€Å"Free Market† (laissez-faire).Style rule Dr. He also often labeled as autocratic criticized by various parties, including the body and the international media (eg, title of the article about his retirement by The New York Times concluded his autocratic nature throughout his political career), especially berhubunng Security Act which he explained as a precaution taken only at the insistence of the time (he accepted and rejected explanation readers with different arguments).Besides, he could not escape the accusation of cronyism, as other leaders in the world. Among the high-profile projects (also called ‘mega-projects') developed at the time of administration, including the Penang Bridge, the Petronas Twin Towers, Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA), the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC), and the Administrative Center Putrajaya International Circuit Sepang.Retired in October 2003, Dr Mahathir was awarded the Decoration Seri Maharaja Mangku Negara which carries the title Tun. He was also named as the â€Å"Father of Modernisation Malaysia† for successfully developing Malaysia into a new industry respected country among developing countries. Period of 22 years as prime minister as a leader made him the second longest in office is in Southeast Asia after President Suharto of Indonesia. A Famous Person Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad (written in Jawi: , born on July 10, 1925). He is well known by â€Å"Dr. M† was the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia. Using a first name itself, â€Å"Che Det† as a pen name, he has written the first article published by The Straits Times Singapore on July 20, 1947 entitled â€Å"Malay Women Make Their Own Freedom† (Malay Women Creating Your Own Freedom).When the term of his leadership from 16 July 1981 until 31 October 2003, he managed to bring development through policies and planning success inspired other countries to lift Malaysia to the world stage as one of the more viable in Southeast Asia to have named as one of the countries ‘Asian Economic Tiger'. His most memorable effort Malaysia and the international community as to bring Malaysia out of the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis in which he rejected the proposal as well as assistance from the IMF funds which he claimed would worsen the crisis.Radical measures taken grea t dikiritik time by many parties, including the IMF itself. In fact, the effort was also criticized even long after the crisis ended in which he expressed criticism and praise is the norm for politicians and it is up to the assessment of any party. He is a political figure who is vocal on international issues until there is a spark controversy. He supports â€Å"Market Economic System† control as an alternative to â€Å"Private Economic System† and generally rejected the â€Å"Free Market† (laissez-faire).Style rule Dr. He also often labeled as autocratic criticized by various parties, including the body and the international media (eg, title of the article about his retirement by The New York Times concluded his autocratic nature throughout his political career), especially berhubunng Security Act which he explained as a precaution taken only at the insistence of the time (he accepted and rejected explanation readers with different arguments).Besides, he could not escape the accusation of cronyism, as other leaders in the world. Among the high-profile projects (also called ‘mega-projects') developed at the time of administration, including the Penang Bridge, the Petronas Twin Towers, Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA), the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC), and the Administrative Center Putrajaya International Circuit Sepang.Retired in October 2003, Dr Mahathir was awarded the Decoration Seri Maharaja Mangku Negara which carries the title Tun. He was also named as the â€Å"Father of Modernisation Malaysia† for successfully developing Malaysia into a new industry respected country among developing countries. Period of 22 years as prime minister as a leader made him the second longest in office is in Southeast Asia after President Suharto of Indonesia.

Themes in “Night” by Elie Wiesel

THemes 1. ) Man’s inhumanity to man Removal of human looks that defined who they are * Same uniform * Cut hair to remove individuality. * â€Å"In a few seconds we had ceased to be men† 37 * â€Å"I became A-7713. From then on, I had no other name†42 The harshness of the camp quickly transformed them into selfish indifferent people * â€Å"I had not even blinked, only yesterday I would have dug my nails into the criminals flesh† 39 * â€Å"you’re killing your father†101 * â€Å"The old man mumbled something, groaned and died. Nobody cared† 101 * â€Å"I shall never forgive myself.Nor shall I forgive the world for having pushed me against the wall, for having turned me into a stranger, for having awakened in me the basest, most primitive instincts. † Xii * â€Å"In this place, it is every man for himself, and you can not think of others. Not even your father. In this place there is no such thing as a father, brother, friend. Eac h of us lives and dies alone. † * â€Å"All of a sudden, this pleasant and intelligent young man had changed. His eyes were shining with greed† The inhumane treatment of Jews â€Å"He looked at us like a pack of leprous dogs clinging to life† 38 * â€Å"If one of us stopped for a second, a quick shot eliminated the filthy dog† 85 * â€Å"Two cauldrons of hot, steaming soup had been left untended†¦ supreme temptation â€Å"59 * â€Å"Hunger was tormenting us; we had not eaten for nearly six days† 114 * â€Å"We had been 100 or so in this wagon. Twelve of us left it† 103 * The removal of the Jew’s rights were the first sign of discrimination 2. ) Faith and Loss Loss of human life and integrity * â€Å"Those whose numbers had been noted were standing apart, abandoned by the whole world. 72 Faith in God and themselves made them stronger * â€Å"if only he could of kept his faith in God and considered this suffering as a divine tes t, he would not have been swept away by selection† * Have faith in life†¦ by driving out despair you will move away from death† 41 * â€Å"a prayer to this God in whom I no longer believed. Oh God master of the universe, give me the strength never to do what Rabbi Eliahu’s son has done. † * â€Å"we mustn’t give up hope, even now as the sword hangs over our heads. † Loss of faith in God made them weak â€Å"Where is God†¦ hanging here from the gallows† 65 * â€Å"My eyes had opened and I was alone, terribly alone in a world without God, without man. Without love or mercy. I was nothing but ashes now† 68 * â€Å"But as soon as he felt the first chinks in his faith, he lost all incentive to fight and opened the door to death† 77 * â€Å"I have more faith in Hitler than anybody else. He alone has kept his promises, all his promises to the Jewish people. † 81 * â€Å" I suffer hell in my soul and in my fleshà ¢â‚¬ ¦ how can anybody believe in this God of mercy† 3. ) Kindness in adversity Helping each other out in times of need Elie’s father made sure Elie didn’t â€Å"fall asleep forever† in the snow despite his exhaustion. Pg 88 * The French girl risked her life by saying to Elie in almost perfect German, â€Å"don’t cry. Keep your anger, your hate, for another day, for later. The day will come but not now†¦ wait. Clench your teeth and wait† * â€Å"Elie even gave his dying father extra rations, despite being told to â€Å"stop giving your ration of bread and soup too your old father†¦ in fact you should be getting his rations. † * Working through the struggles together see father son relationships Elie and father * â€Å"No.You’re eighteen†¦ Not fifty. You’re forty. Dou you hear? Eighteen and forty. † 30 4. ) Father/son relationship * Elie and his father * Elie’s father made sure Elie didnâ€⠄¢t â€Å"fall asleep forever† in the snow despite his exhaustion. Pg 88 * â€Å"my father’s presence was the only thing that stopped me† 87 * â€Å"I had no right to let myself die. What would he do without me? I was his sole support. † * â€Å"Elie even gave his dying father extra rations, despite being told to â€Å"stop giving your ration of bread and soup too your old father†¦ in fact you should be getting his rations. † * Rabbi Eliahu and his son â€Å"side by side they had endured the suffering , the blows; they had waited for their ration of bread and they had prayed† pg 91 * â€Å"he had felt his father growing weaker and, believing the end was near, had thought by this separation to free himself of a burden that could diminish his own chance for survival. †91 * The man on the train and his son * â€Å"You’re killing your father†¦ I have bread for you too†¦ for you to† 101 5. ) Conscience/remorse /indifference Indifference * â€Å"Since my father’s death, nothing mattered to me anymore† 113 * â€Å"The old man mumbled something, groaned and died.Nobody cared† 101 * â€Å"we no longer feared death† 60 * â€Å"I was no longer arguing with him but death itself, with death that he had already chosen† 105 Manipulated conscience/Remorse * â€Å"deep inside me, if I could have searched the recesses of my feeble conscience, I might have found something like: Free at last! * â€Å"I shall never forgive myself. Nor shall I forgive the world for having pushed me against the wall, for having turned me into a stranger, for having awakened in me the basest, most primitive instincts. † Xii * â€Å"I gave him what was left of my soup.But my heart was heavy, I was aware I was doing it grudgingly† 107 6. ) Survival and death Surviving by escaping reality * â€Å"All I had to do was close my eyes to see a whole world pass before me, to dream o f another life† 87 * â€Å"He was forever praying or meditating to some Talmudic question. For him it was an escape from reality, from feeling the blows† 86 Stars = Jews Conflagration = the war, destruction The idea of death * A place to rest without suffering Surviving to rebel against God/Germans * â€Å"Something inside me rebelled against that death† 88 * â€Å"We had transcended everything – death, fatigue, our natural needs.We were stronger than cold and hunger, stronger than the guns and the desire to die, doomed and rootles, nothing but numbers, we were the only men on earth† 87 * †there was no longer any reason for me to fast. I no longer accepted god’s silence. As I swallowed my ration of soup, I turned that act into a symbol of rebellion, of protest against him. † Just going through the motions and not losing hope * â€Å"There were two of us: my body and I† 85 * â€Å"Don’t think, don’t stop, runà ¢â‚¬  86 * â€Å"No one was praying for the night to pass quickly. Night was an escape from reality, a time of rest. The stars were but sparks of the immense conflagration that was consuming us. â€Å" The night was not nearly as bad as the day, only sparks of the war The Jews were just a part of the war * â€Å"Were this conflagration to be extinguished one day, nothing would be left in the sky but extinct stars and unseeing eyes. † What would happen if the war is finished?. Unseeing eyes =The holocaust may be forgotten, people choose to not see the light of God (loss of faith) Gods light (stars) will be destroyed God has turned his back on the people Extinct stars = people losing faith in the light of God